King's Letter from Birmingham Jail may be an incredible philosophical and moral tract, but it would never happen if it were not for the police officers that forced him into this cell that he turned into a sanctuary. Now King had been arrested plenty of times before April 12, 1963 and so has his colleagues Fred Shuttlesworth and Ralph Abernathy. Yet this was the moment that brought together the variables necessary for this document in the first place. First, you need to understand that the Civil Rights Movement had been fading from the American conscience by April 1963. An earlier protest in Albany, Georgia had not resulted in the public spectacle that King and SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Coalition) had hoped for, Police Sheriff Laurie Pritchett had wisely avoided the overt violence and hostility that had created so much public outrage in earlier events like the Freedom Rides or outside Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. The movement needed a jolt of energy, an opportunity to reinvigorate the charge for change. Their answer was to look at Birmingham, Alabama. Why? Well to understand that, let us take a moment to really delve into the city whose actions in 1963 will ultimately shape American history. Birmingham was the poster child of Henry Grady's vision of the "New South" during the Gilded Age.
In 1871, this city was formed from three distinct areas and quickly embraced the concept of industrialization and manufacturing. They even took the name Birmingham from an industrial town in England. It did not hurt that the city was located between huge reserves of iron ore, limestone and coal. Birmingham grew quickly economically and socially as it developed iron and steel at such rates that it became one of the industrial centers of the South. African Americans came early and often to be a part of the "Magic City" and earn a living in these burgeoning factories. Although employment was possible, opportunities were limited, particularly for advancement. By 1963, African American unemployment was twice that of their white counterparts and income was less than half. Violence was also a common occurrence, so much so that the city's unsolved racial violence had led to the nickname "Bombingham". While the population was 60% white, 40% African Americans held virtually no political (10% registered to vote), economic (no black owned businesses) or social voice. Lastly, Birmingham had a controversial and combative authority figure in Eugene "Bull" Connor. The long time politician and public safety commissioner was passionately dedicated to upholding segregation, in fact almost every action he took showed that blind devotion. Connor ordered the arrest of an Idaho Senator for violating segregation laws by speaking in front of an African American audience when running for Vice President on a third party ticket in 1948. He led the walk-out of the Democrat Party in 1948 when Truman added a civil rights plank to the platform and also helped "outlaw" communism in Birmingham in 1954. Yet Connor continued to win office, including 1961 where he gained infamy for his handling of the Freedom Riders. Not only did Connor refuse to arrest any of the men who beat down protestors which included current Georgia Congressman John Lewis, he purposely delayed breaking up the scene to teach these outsiders a lesson. In 1963 the city of Birmingham is in disarray. Connor ran for mayor in the newly redesigned city council and lost but refused to acknowledge his defeat. He insisted, even after the courts said otherwise, that he had until October 1st to vacate the council. This uncertainty led to a perfectly volatile situation and the SCLC went all-in, fully aware of the risk and the consequences of stoking the flames of racial tension. In other words, this movement was controversial to whites and blacks. It was almost certainly going to end violently and painfully. Yet that is exactly what the movement needed to jolt the country out of its malaise when it came to race relations. On one hand Birmingham was unique, a perfect mixture of progressive economics and severe social restrictions. On the other hand, Birmingham was a microcosm of the problem King and his colleagues felt across the country. How do you convince me the status quo is no longer acceptable? How do you do it in a way that does not make you equally as culpable? How do you push America forward without getting bogged down by the past? Those are the questions King looked to answer in April 1963.
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